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The Israel Koschitzky
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Yeshivat Har Etzion
PARASHAT Emor
by
Rav David Silverberg
Parashat Emor contains the mitzva which we are currently in the process of observing –
sefirat ha-omer, to count
each of the forty-nine days from the second day of Pesach until Erev Shavuot. The
Torah's formulation of this mitzva in Parashat Emor became a pivotal
point of contention between traditional Jews and the Sadducee heresy during the
period of the Second
Temple. The Torah requires counting "mi-macharat ha-Shabbat" – "from the day following
the Shabbat." It is at first far
from clear to what "the Shabbat" refers. The Torah had earlier not made any reference
to a particular "Shabbat," and thus the term "mi-macharat ha-Shabbat" is ambiguous. Chazal's oral
tradition explained "the Shabbat" as a reference to the festival day
described in the previous verses – the first day of Pesach. Thus, counting begins on the second day of
Pesach, on the sixteenth of Nissan. But
the Sadducees, who denied the authority of the rabbinic tradition and advocated
independent Biblical exegesis, unconfined to the parameters established by the
oral law, rejected this interpretation.
They maintained that "the Shabbat" refers to Shabbat itself,
and this verse must therefore be taken to mean that we begin counting on the
first Sunday after the first day of Pesach.
(This
exegetical debate yielded several other important ramifications. For one thing, it meant that the Sadducees
celebrated Shavuot on a different day than did traditional Jews, since Shavuot
occurs on the fiftieth day after the "Shabbat." Secondly, these different interpretations
resulted in different times for the korban ha-omer described in these verses.)
Of
course, the traditional understanding of "ha-Shabbat" as a reference
to the first day of Pesach does not exempt us from explaining why the Torah
would describe this day as "Shabbat."
What does this description convey about the nature of the sefira period?
Much
has been written on this subject; we present here the homiletic approach taken
by Rav Meir Simcha Ha-kohen of Dvinsk, in his "Meshekh Chokhma." Rav Meir Simcha explains that the word "shabbat"
alludes to one particular mitzva
observed on Pesach: "tashbitu se'or mi-bateikhem" – to
destroy all chametz in our possession (Shemot 12:15).
According to the Meshekh Chokhma,
this mitzva ("tashbitu"
– which stems from the root "sh.b.t.") is
symbolic of Jewish life in exile (and thus an appropriate obligation on Pesach,
which celebrates our nation's redemption from exile). Throughout the year, we eat chametz regularly, every day, and yet before Pesach we
somehow manage to rid our homes of all chametz and
abstain from chametz for an entire week. A substance that is so ingrained within our
daily routine throughout the year suddenly disappears for a week. In a certain sense, the Meshekh
Chokhma writes, Benei
Yisrael confront this very same challenge each day in exile. Their lives are inundated with "chametz" – with the ideas, culture, values, beliefs
and norms of the surrounding nations.
Unless we undertake concentrated efforts to resist, the cultural current
of our host civilization will take us with it and carry us in the same
direction. Somehow, we must purge our
homes of this "chametz" and infuse them
with Torah values and observance.
The
"omer" period is commonly understood as a
period of eager anticipation to Shavuot, our commemoration of Matan Torah. As the Meshekh Chokhma writes, Matan Torah means our commitment to Torah observance under
all circumstances, in all locations, and at all times. The Torah therefore introduces the sefirat ha-omer period by
referring to "shabbat" – the day on which
we eliminate "chametz" from our homes. This mitzva, to
refrain from chametz during Pesach, must set the tone
for sefirat ha-omer, for
the process of preparation for Matan Torah. Accepting the Torah often entails distancing
ourselves from that which has become an integral and even defining
characteristic of our surrounding culture.
The symbolic meaning of the chametz
prohibition must therefore carry us through the ensuing seven weeks, as we
prepare to commit ourselves to the dictates of the Torah, often at the expense
of the "chametz" to which we have grown
accustomed.
David Silverberg
*****
The
Torah devotes a lengthy section in Parashat Emor to the festivals – Pesach, sefirat
ha-omer, Shavuot, Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, and Sukkot. Curiously,
in reference to two of the festivals – Shavuot and Yom Kippur – the Torah
employs the relatively uncommon phrase, "be-etzem
ha-yom ha-zeh"
("on this very day").
Regarding Shavuot, the Torah writes, "You shall hold a celebration
on this very day; it shall be a sacred occasion for you" (23:21). Later, amidst the discussion of Yom Kippur,
this phrase appears twice: "You shall do no work on this very day… Indeed,
any person who does not afflict his soul on this very day shall be cut off from
his kin" (23:28, 29).
Several
Midrashic sources address this seemingly superfluous
phrase used in these contexts.
Commenting on the verse regarding Shavuot, the Midrash
Lekach Tov writes, "on this very day – this fiftieth day [after the first day of
Pesach] is the day when Benei Yisrael stood before
Sinai to receive the Torah." The
Torah never explicitly mentions the fact that Shavuot serves to commemorate Matan Torah.
However, the Midrash Lekach
Tov apparently viewed this phrase – "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" – as the Torah's allusion to this function and
historical basis of Shavuot.
Chazal offer explanations for the two instances of
"be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" in the context of Yom Kippur, as well. Pirkei De-Rabbi
Eliezer (29) comments that the clause, "You shall do no work be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" is meant to draw an association between Yom
Kippur and an event recorded much earlier in Chumash. In the narrative of Avraham's
circumcision in Sefer Bereishit
(17:23), the Torah writes that this event took place "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh." According
to Pirkei De-Rabbi Eliezer, this association between Avraham's circumcision and Yom Kippur alludes to the fact
that the former occurred on the latter; it was on Yom Kippur, interestingly
enough, when Avraham circumcised himself, his son and his servants. Presumably, Pirkei
De-Rabbi Eliezer here describes the fundamental nature of Yom Kippur: the
renewal of our "berit" – covenantal
relationship – with the Almighty. Our
transgressions throughout the year constitute a breach of our collective
covenant with God; appropriately, then, on Yom Kippur, the day on which this
covenant was formally established, we renew our commitment to the berit through the process of repentance.
The
second instance of "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" in the context
of Yom Kippur is addressed in the Gemara (Yoma 81a), which extracts an important halakha
from this phrase. From a later verse
(23:32), Chazal derive the well-known obligation of
"tosefet Yom Ha-kippurim,"
that one must add some amount of time onto Yom Kippur by beginning and ending
before/after the day actually begins/ends.
(It is generally assumed that this obligation applies to Shabbat and
other festivals, as well.) However, from
the fact that the Torah warns, "any person who does not afflict his soul
on this very day shall be cut off," the Gemara
concludes that the severe punishment of "karet"
(being "cut off") applies only to one who violates Yom Kippur
"on this very day." Meaning,
one incurs punishment only if he transgresses on Yom Kippur proper, but not if
he does so during the additional "tosefet"
period. The added emphasis of "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" limits the application of the karet
punishment to the actual period of Yom Kippur, to the exclusion of the time
added either before or after.
Tomorrow
we will iy"H discuss this Gemara
further, and see how it might possibly affect halakhot
of Shavuot, as well.
David Silverberg
*****
Yesterday,
we discussed the phrase "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" ("on this
very day") which the Torah employs in several instances in Parashat Emor, amidst its
discussion of the festivals. The Gemara (Masekhet Yoma 81a), as we saw, arrives at an interesting halakhic conclusion on the basis of the Torah's use of this
phrase in reference to the punishment for violating Yom Kippur: "any
person who does not afflict his soul on this very day shall be cut off from his
kin" (23:28). "From this very
day" indicates that one is punished with "karet"
only if he violates Yom Kippur during the actual nighttime and daytime of Yom
Kippur. One is not liable to this
punishment if he commits the violation during the "tosefet"
– the required period of time added before and after Yom Kippur.
The
Pardes Yosef (to 23:21) suggests that the Gemara's comment concerning Yom Kippur may shed light on an
earlier instance of the term "be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh" – in the context
of Shavuot. As we saw yesterday, the
Torah writes in the context of Shavuot, "You shall hold a celebration on
this very day; it shall be a sacred occasion for you" (23:21). The first word in this phrase – "u-kratem" (translated here as, "You shall
hold") – literally means, "You shall call." Quite possibly, the Pardes
Yosef contends, this verse might be understood as a reference or at least
allusion to the obligation of kiddush,
through which we formally "call," or declare, the unique sacred
status of the day. Thus, this verse
instructs us to conduct kiddush
"be-etzem ha-yom ha-zeh." Bearing
in mind the Gemara in Masekhet
Yoma, it turns out that the verse requires reciting kiddush on Shavuot only on Shavuot
proper, not during the tosefet period added onto the
festival. Indeed, several halakhic sources require one to recite kiddush on Shavuot night only after nightfall. Although during the summer months many
communities have the practice of beginning Shabbat early, before sundown, when
it comes to Shavuot one may not recite kiddush
and begin the festival until dark (Taz, O.C.
494). The reason given is that Shavuot
marks the culmination of the forty-nine-day period of sefirat
ha-omer, and it therefore cannot begin until
forty-nine complete days have passed since the second night of Pesach. According to the Pardes
Yosef, the term "be-etzem ha-yom
ha-zeh" used with reference to the recitation of
kiddush on Shavuot might
serve as a Biblical allusion – if not source – for this halakha.
Of
course, as the Pardes Yosef acknowledges, this
creative interpretation of the verse hinges on a fundamental debate among the poskim as to the origin of the obligation of kiddush on Yom Tov. Whereas on Shabbat it is generally assumed
that the recitation of kiddush
constitutes a Torah obligation, the origin of the parallel obligation on Yom Tov is subject to controversy. The Peri Megadim (in his "Peticha Kolelet," Hilkhot Berakhot 19), based on a comment in the Shita
Mekubetzet (Beitza 4b),
maintains that on Yom Tov, too, kiddush is required by Torah law. This is also the position of the Maharil (teshuvot ha-chadashot, 32), and appears to emerge from the
straightforward reading of the Rambam, as well (Hilkhot Shabbat 29:18).
The majority of poskim, however, including the
Magen Avraham (O.C. 271:1), based on a passage in the
Maggid Mishneh (Hilkhot 29:19), maintain that on Yom Tov
kiddush is required mi-de-rabbanan (by force of rabbinic enactment), and is not a
Torah obligation. Clearly, according to
this view, we cannot possibly explain the phrase "be-etzem
ha-yom ha-zeh" as a
reference to a halakha regarding kiddush. If kiddush was instituted much later,
by Chazal, we cannot explain a verse in the Torah as
establishing laws regarding this rabbinic decree.
In an
effort to uphold the legitimacy of his approach to the verse, the Pardes Yosef poses a revolutionary theory. Perhaps, he suggests, all authorities agree
that fundamentally, kiddush
constitutes a Torah obligation on Yom Tov, just as on
Shabbat. The poskim
who speak of it as a rabbinic obligation simply hold that one fulfills the
Torah obligation of kiddush
through the recitation of arvit on Yom Tov eve. Just as on
Shabbat, according to some views (see below), the Torah obligation involves the
verbal declaration, and the requirement for wine was instituted by Chazal, similarly, the Torah obligation of kiddush on Yom Tov
likewise refers only to a verbal declaration.
Since one discusses the sanctity of the festival in the arvit service, he thereby satisfies the Torah obligation
and is left with merely a rabbinic requirement to recite kiddush over wine.
This, perhaps, is what the Magen Avraham and
others meant when they write that kiddush
on Yom Tov is required only mi-de-rabbanan. According to all views, however, kiddush on Yom Tov
constitutes a Torah obligation.
(The
poskim who describe kiddush on Yom Tov as a
rabbinic obligation do, indeed, draw a distinction between kiddush
on Yom Tov and kiddush on
Shabbat. According to the Pardes Yosef's theory, this would
mean that on Shabbat, one does not satisfy the Torah obligation through the
recitation of arvit, as he would on Yom Tov. The reason, he
explains, is that the Gemara in Masekhet
Pesachim 117b requires making mention of the Exodus
as part of kiddush in order
to fulfill the mitzva. Now the arvit
service on Shabbat contains no mention of Yetziat Mitzrayim; for this reason, perhaps, one does not fulfill
his Torah obligation of kiddush
on Shabbat through the recitation of arvit. This is indeed the explicit position of the Minchat Chinukh – 31:5. On Yom Tov,
however, the liturgy does, in fact, speak of the Exodus, and therefore one
fulfills his Torah obligation of kiddush
on Yom Tov through the recitation of arvit.)
David Silverberg
*****
The
final section of Parashat Emor
tells the disturbing story of the "mekalel"
(often referred to as "megadef"), the
blasphemer, who was executed for his public blasphemy of God. The Torah reports that the megadef was imprisoned until God informed Moshe of his
punishment (24:12). The Gemara in Masekhet Sanhedrin
(78b) explains that the punishment for cursing God had not yet been
established, and so the culprit was detained until Moshe was told of the proper
response.
Rav
Yosef Shaul Nathanson, in
his "Divrei Shaul,"
suggests that the doubt concerning the appropriate punishment for blasphemy
resulted not merely from the absence of specific information, but rather from a
fundamental question of policy. On the
one hand, the people undoubtedly figured, an affront of this magnitude to
divine honor demands a harsh response, and the blasphemer ought to be punished
severely. On the other hand, however,
punishing the culprit might convey the erroneous message that God is somehow
affected by the curses uttered by this individual. For in truth, what difference does it make to
the Almighty if an embittered soul hurls harsh words of blasphemous
condemnation towards Him? Does He suffer
any humiliation? By punishing the
blasphemer, Benei Yisrael perhaps express their
belief that God in fact does suffer as a result of the magadef. This is a terrible mistake. God remains God even as blasphemy abounds,
even if His Name is cursed. He has no
need for our praises, and He certainly does not suffer on account of our
insults. This question is what led to
the uncertainty surrounding the megadef. Would it be preferable to simply ignore it,
or to respond harshly?
God
informed Moshe that the people must execute the megadef. Although God quite obviously suffered no harm
as a result of the public blasphemy, Benei Yisrael
must protect themselves from the potential damage of
this sorrowful event. The magadef had broken a taboo, he had crossed a line that no
one had ever previously approached, and it thus became necessary to reinforce
the gravity of this act in the people's minds.
God therefore ordered the megadef's execution.
The
Divrei Shaul adds that this
might explain the concluding phrase of this section (and of this parasha): "and the Israelites did as the Lord had
commanded Moshe." The Torah seeks
to emphasize that Benei Yisrael killed the megadef solely to obey God's command, and not with the
intention of protecting God. They
understood that God does not need their protection or support, that He is fully
capable of dealing with the public blasphemy.
Human beings, perhaps, require the emotional support and encouragement
of their friends and loved ones after suffering this kind of humiliation, but
God does not need our assistance. They
thus executed the megadef only because He commanded
that they do so, and not out of a sense that God needed them to respond to the megadef for His benefit.
David Silverberg
*****
Parashat Emor presents a series
of laws concerning the suitability of animals for use as a korban. The Torah lists numerous physical defects
which disqualify an animal for this purpose (22:22-4), and then establishes an
additional disqualification: "When an ox or a sheep or a goat is born, it
shall stay seven days with its mother, and from the eighth day on it shall be
acceptable as an offering by fire to the Lord" (22:27). An animal becomes suitable as a korban only after its first week of life. This halakha is
known as "mechusar zeman"
(literally, "lacking in time," referring to the fact that the
required period of time has yet to pass).
The
Midrash (Vayikra Rabba 27:11) appears to interpret this mitzva
as an expression of sensitivity to the animal's mother, as it invokes in this
context a verse from Sefer Mishlei
(12:10): "A righteous man knows the needs of his animal, but the
compassion of the wicked is cruelty."
This verse contrasts the righteous person, who displays such care and
sensitivity for others that he is even aware of the particular needs of his
animal, and the wicked man, who acts cruelly to others even in his most
compassionate moments. The Midrash explains the first clause of this verse, which
describes the righteous man's sensitivity to animals, as a reference to the
Almighty Himself, who forbade sacrificing an animal within its first week. The wicked man in the verse is Haman, who sought to eradicate the entire Jewish nation,
showing no compassion for man, woman or child.
Apparently, the Midrash understood this mitzva as intended to show compassion for the mother, which
feels a natural bond to and affection for its young during the first week of
life.
The
Sefer Ha-chinukh, by
contrast, suggests an entirely different approach to the conceptual
underpinnings of this mitzva, one which takes into
account the context in which it is presented.
As we mentioned, the Torah appends this mitzva
at the end of its series of laws concerning the prerequisite physical
properties of animals used for korbanot. Accordingly, we might expect that this
obligation, too, relate somehow to the physical condition of the animal. The Sefer Ha-chinukh therefore explains that a newborn animal is
physically frail and unattractive, and the Torah thus disqualifies it for use
as a korban just as it does animals with uncomely
physical defects.
Rav
Shimshon Refael Hirsch, in
his commentary to this verse, advances yet a third explanation:
"We think that we may
venture to make the supposition that it is in this phase of animal life that
the beginning of an approach to human character shows itself. Egotism, love of oneself, looking after
oneself, is the powerful spring that moves animal life. Sacrificing oneself for the existence of
another creature and devoted care for its well being, as occurs in the birth
and care for the young, and as shown in the mother love of animals, is the
first elevation to that forgetfulness of self, which, in the general love of
one's fellow man forms the most divine trait in the nobility of human
character. This human-like spark is not
to be allowed to be extinguished, but rather is it to be stressed by
significant consideration in the animal-creature that, as an offering, is to
represent the ideal of morality to which Man is to aspire."
Bringing a korban
is intended (at least in part) to express or engender a sense of selflessness,
devotion and the reversal of a person's egotistical instinct. It is appropriate, therefore, to ensure that
the animal symbolizing this feeling of self-sacrifice had experienced the
selfless devotion of a mother to its newborn.
It is here where we can most clearly identify "an approach to human
character" within the animal world – the approach of selfless devotion
that the institution of korbanot is intended to
embody.
David Silverberg
*****
As
we discussed earlier this week, Parashat Emor concludes with the story of the "megadef" – the blasphemer. Rashi, commenting on the opening verse in this narrative (24:10),
presents – based on the Midrash – some background
information concerning the blasphemer, while connecting this incident with the
previous verses. Just prior to
this narrative, God instructs Moshe with regard to the "lechem ha-panim," the bread
placed on the shulchan (table) in the Mishkan. According
to the Midrash, this mitzva,
interestingly enough, triggered the megadef's fateful journey to blasphemy. The Torah requires placing the bread on the shulchan every Shabbat, and that
bread remained on the shulchan throughout the week,
until the following Shabbat. At that
point, the bread was removed from the table and eaten by the kohanim on duty that Shabbat. The blasphemer found this halakha
unacceptable. Would it not be more
appropriate, he asked, for the kohanim to eat the
bread fresh out of the oven, rather than a full week later? Is stale, seven-day-old bread suitable for
the service of the Almighty?
The
question, of course, arises as to significance of this particular challenge and
its contribution to the process of heresy that culminated in blasphemy. It seems likely that underlying this
otherwise petty argument is a fundamental misconception or objection to
Judaism.
Rav
Elazar Reuven Mushkin, in
his "Ha-dat Ve-ha'chayim"
(New York, 1956), suggests that in the eyes of the megadef,
religion, like bread, can become old and stale.
If, indeed, Benei Yisrael are the
"children of God," if He has endowed us with splendor and glory, then
certainly, the megadef argued, He does not want us to
remain primitive and old-fashioned. Is
it more fitting for a people of royal stock to eat stale bread, to confine
itself to ancient beliefs and "outdated" rituals, or to partake of
the tasty, fresh bread, to adapt itself to the newest societal trends and
embrace all modern ideas and values? For
him, the lechem ha-panim
served as an accurate symbol of the Torah's rigidity and inability to change
form to suit the pervading norms. He
refused to accept the Torah's eternal quality, and therefore cursed the God who
commanded Benei Yisrael to practice, preserve and
cherish such a Torah.
We
might, however, suggest a different explanation of this Midrash. The kohanim's
consumption of stale bread in the Mishkan perhaps
represented in the eyes of the megadef what he
perceived as Judaism's incompatibility with normal life. He understood this to mean that Torah
observance, living in the shadow of the Mishkan, does
not allow for the basic comforts and enjoyments of life. Judaism requires eating stale bread, it stands in the way of an ordinary lifestyle.
This
approach might explain the relationship between this passage and a different Midrash, also cited in Rashi's
commentary to this verse. According to Torat Kohanim and Midrash Tanchuma, the blasphemer
had sought to pitch his tent in a certain location, but the people in the area
objected. A court case ensued, presided
over by Moshe himself, who concluded that the man may not pitch his tent in
that land. Embittered and frustrated, he
left the courtroom and publicly cursed the God of Moshe.
Possibly,
this Midrash describes more than an angry soul
venting his fury at God and His people (though this itself is, unfortunately,
not altogether uncommon). The blasphemer
may have argued that Moshe, the man who spent close to six weeks at the top of Mount Sinai without food or water, who built the Mishkan and ordered that stale bread be eaten there, has no
business adjudicating land disputes. The
world of Moshe and the Mishkan, he perhaps contended,
has little to do with the world of real estate, monetary conflicts, and legal
proceedings. He denied the interaction
between the sacred and the mundane, and felt that Moshe had no authority over
matters concerning life outside the realm of stale bread in the Mishkan. In truth,
of course, the blasphemer made a terrible mistake. The Torah was given to us as a way of life –
a way that we must all follow, in all places and in all times, in or out of the
Mishkan.
David Silverberg
*****
Parashat Emor begins with several
special laws pertaining to the kohanim, including the
prohibition against a kohen's marriage to a divorcee
(21:7). This means that a kohen may not marry a woman who had been married and
subsequently received a halakhic divorce. The Rashba,
however, in one of his responsa (550), claims that Chazal extended this prohibition even further. In some instances, Halakha
recommends that a man hand a "get" (writ of divorce) to a woman even
though they are not halakhically married. For example, if rumors spread that they are
married, or for some other reason many people are under the impression that
they were halakhically wed, we would have the
so-called "husband" hand a get to the woman. This way we avoid any misconceptions and
disquieting rumors when the woman remarries.
Just in case anybody would object to her remarriage on the basis of her
so-called "previous marriage," she could present a divorce contract
to prove her eligibility for remarriage.
Would such a woman be permitted to marry a kohen? Undoubtedly, according to Torah law, we have
no reason at all to forbid her marriage to a kohen. After all, since she was not, strictly
speaking, married to the first man, she is not a divorcee at all. The transfer of a get was simply a way of
dispelling rumors and the like, and has no intrinsic halakhic
significance. However, according to the Rashba, this woman may not marry a kohen
mi-de-rabbanan (by force of rabbinic enactment). Since she did, after all, receive a get,
people who hear that she subsequently marries a kohen
might reach the erroneous conclusion that a divorcee is, in fact, permitted to
marry a kohen.
The
Rashba brings two rulings in the Gemara
as the basis for his claim. In Masekhet Yevamot (119a), the Gemara discusses a case of a childless woman who receives
reports of her husband's death abroad.
Now normally, a childless widow may not remarry until the deceased's
brother either marries her ("yibum") or
performs "chalitza" – a special ritual
permitting her to remarry. Here,
however, the deceased had a second wife, who had also gone abroad, and we do
not know if she had any children. If she
did have children, the entire obligation of yibum/chalitza
does not apply. Simply put, then, we
have a situation of a woman who may or may not require chalitza
in order to remarry. The Gemara rules that rather than perform chalitza,
which would permit her remarriage, the woman must wait for information
regarding the second wife. Since a woman
who undergoes chalitza – like a divorcee – may not
marry a kohen, the Gemara
explains, we want to avoid a situation where the woman discovers that the chaltiza was unnecessary, thus retroactively rendering her chalitza halakhically
meaningless, and then she wishes to marry a kohen. People might hear about the chalitza but not about the information that the second wife
had children – which renders the chalitza
meaningless. They will thus conclude
that a chalutza (woman who had undergone chalitza) may marry a kohen.
Similarly,
the Rashba argues, if a
woman receives a divorce simply to dispel misconceptions, we should not allow
her to subsequently marry a kohen, since some people
will hear of the divorce without realizing that she had not actually been
married. They will then think that a
divorcee may marry a kohen.
The
Rashba's second proof comes from Masekhet
Kiddushin (65a), where the Gemara
discusses a case of a woman who claims that a certain man betrothed her. Though he denies it, the Gemara
insinuates that if he gives her a get to satisfy her demand, he is forbidden
from marrying her relatives (just as he would had they
actually been married). It emerges from
this Gemara that giving a get that is not strictly
required must nevertheless be taken seriously, and we treat the man and woman
as having been married and subsequently divorced. By extension, then, such a woman may not
marry a kohen.
The
Rama codifies this ruling of the Rashba
in his glosses to the Shulchan Arukh
(E.H. 6:1).
This
halakha became critically important in a case
documented some fourteen years ago by Rav Elimelech Shachtar (in Yeshiva
University's "Beit Yitzchak," vol. 22). Shortly after a couple married, the wife
discovered in her husband numerous intolerable qualities, and it was clear that
her marriage to him was a grave error.
They received a civil divorce, and ultimately the husband gave the woman
a get, as well. Several years later, she
became engaged to a kohen, and they were married
according to civil law. After some time,
during which the wife bore a son, they expressed their wish to marry according
to Jewish law. Was there any room to
permit the couple to receive a halakhic marriage,
despite his status as a kohen and her having
previously received a get?
Presumably,
this is precisely the case addressed by the Rashba. Since the woman had married her first husband
under several grave misconceptions, we may consider the initial wedding null
and void, and thus no get was required.
(The issue of when precisely we can retroactively annul a marriage due
to a spouse's previously unforeseen moral defects, has
become a hotly debated topic in recent years.
In this situation, apparently, it was quite clear that the entire
relationship was built upon mistaken notions, and hence the marriage was halakhically invalid.)
Nevertheless, since a get was given, the woman may not marry a kohen.
However,
as Rav Shachtar records, several prominent rabbis
cogently argued for the permissibility of the marriage. Firstly, a number of Acharonim
take issue with the Rashba's ruling and permit a
woman to marry a kohen if she received a halakhically unnecessary get. The author of the Lechem
Mishneh, in his work of responsa
("Lechem Rav," 33), argues on principle
that we are not empowered to apply Chazal's decrees
to situations other than that regarding which a given decree was issued. Thus, the two rulings in the Talmud cited by
the Rashba cannot be used as a basis for introducing
a new prohibition for a kohen to marry such a
woman. Rav David Tevil
of Minsk, in
his "Nachalat David," dismisses each of the
Rashba's two proofs individually, showing how we
cannot apply these rulings to the case of the Rashba. Additionally, the Nachalat
David qualifies the scope of the Rashba's ruling in
light of the Rashba's comments elsewhere in his
writings. He claims that only when the
divorce was at the time widely perceived as halakhically
mandated does the Rashba forbid the woman from
marrying a kohen thereafter. In a case, however, where it was clear at the
time of the so-called "divorce" that it was performed only as an
added measure of stringency, even the Rashba would
not forbid the wife's subsequent marriage to a kohen.
Finally,
the Acharonim argue as to whether the Rashba would apply this ruling even be-di'avad
– if such a woman already married a kohen and now the
question arises whether they must be divorced.
The Bach maintains that the Rashba would not
require a couple to divorce in such a case, and he meant only that they should
not marry to begin with. The Bach's
son-in-law, the Taz, disagrees, but the Nachalat David and Rav Yitzchak Blazar
(in his "Peri Yitzchak") follow the ruling
of the Bach. Thus, in our case, too,
when the couple had already been married by civil law and borne a child, these
authorities would permit them to be married according to Jewish law.
David Silverberg
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To see this year's S.A.L.T. selections:
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www.vbm-torah.org/salt.htm
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