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The Israel Koschitzky Virtual Beit
Midrash
Surf A Little Torah Yeshivat Har Etzion
PARASHAT EMOR
By Rav David Silverberg
Parashat Emor begins with the prohibition of tum'at kohanim,
forbidding a kohen to come in contact with a human corpse. Twice in his critique of the Rambam's
Mishneh Torah, the Ra'avad (Hilkhot Nezirut 5:15, Hilkhot Avel 3:7)
expresses his view that this prohibition does not apply to a kohen who
has already contracted tum'at met (ritual impurity through contact with a
human corpse). In his view,
kohanim nowadays, who, like all Jews, are assumed to have come in contact
at some point with tum'at met, may come in contact with human corpses,
since the Torah does not forbid a kohen to come in contact with
tum'a if he is already tamei. Only once the kohen divests
himself of this status, through the ritual of the para aduma, does he
again become subject to the prohibition of tum'at kohanim.
The Mishneh Le-Melekh (Hilkhot Avel 3:1) describes the Ra'avad's
position as a shitat yachid, a view unique to the Ra'avad, not held by
mainstream Halakha. However,
as the Chatam Sofer already noted (responsa, Y.D. 339), this view in fact
appears in the writings of a number of other Rishonim, including Rabbenu
Tam (cited by the Rosh, Hilkhot Tum'a, chapter 6) and the Behag (as noted by the
Shiltei Giborim to the Rif, Hilkhot Tum'a, 4). And the Avnei Neizer (Y.D.
2:466,470) observes that this position is expressed as well in the Semag.
Of course, conventional practice does not follow the Ra'avad's position,
and kohanim today must, indeed, avoid coming in contact with human
corpses. Nevertheless, the
poskim discuss the question of whether the Ra'avad's position can be
introduced as a senif le-hakel, as a factor to take into consideration in
questionable situations. Meaning,
in situations where, for whatever reason, it is unclear whether the prohibition
of tum'at kohanim would apply, we may perhaps take into account the
Ra'avad's position to yield a sefeik sefeika – a case of two points of
uncertainty, which would allow us to rule leniently.
The Dagul Mei-revava (Y.D. 372) initially raises such a
possibility, of invoking the Ra'avad's leniency in conjunction with other
factors. But he then dismisses this
notion, arguing that even the Ra'avad acknowledges a Torah prohibition for a
kohen to expose himself to tum'at met despite his preexisting
state of tum'a. The Dagul
Mei-revava understood the Ra'avad to mean only that the court does not
administer corporal punishment to a kohen who comes in contact with
tum'a if he had already been in a state of impurity. The Torah prohibition, however, applies
even to a kohen already in a state of tum'a. The Chatam Sofer (responsa, Y.D.
336) tells that he was present during a conversation between his mentor, Rav
Natan Adler, and Rav Yechezkel Landau (author of the Dagul Mei-revava),
where Rav Adler proved to Rav Landau that the Torah prohibition applies even
after a kohen had become tamei, and even according to the
Ra'avad.
Other Acharonim, however, understood the Ra'avad to mean that if a
kohen is already tamei, no prohibition obtains at all. Rabbi Akiva Eiger demonstrates this
understanding of the Ra'avad in one of his responsa (Mahadura Tanina,
18), and this is the clear implication of the Mishneh Le-Melekh, in the
passage referred to above.
Furthermore, the work Shulchan Gavoha documents that
kohanim in Jerusalem, when bringing a deceased relative to burial, would
enter the graveyard, rather than standing outside and burying the deceased along
the edge of the cemetery, as the Shulchan Arukh requires (Y.D.
373:7). The practice of these
kohanim is based upon the Ra'avad's position, that once in any event they
become tamei by tending to the burial needs of their relative, they may
then expose themselves to tum'at met without concern. Clearly, this view works off the
assumption that the Ra'avad held that no prohibition applies at all to a
kohen that is already in a state of ritual impurity. According to this view, then, a halakhic
decisor may, indeed, take the Ra'avad's position into account to yield a lenient
ruling in situations where other sefeikot (halakhic uncertainties)
arise.
The specific case addressed by the Dagul Mei-revava is a
kohen's passage through a cemetery where only gentiles are buried. The Rishonim and later
authorities debate the question of whether one contracts tum'a from a
gentile corpse by walking over it, as is the case with Jewish corpses, or only
through direct contact. The
Dagul Mei-revava writes that according to the Mishneh Le-melekh's
understanding of the Ra'avad, we should permit kohanim nowadays to walk
through gentile cemeteries, given that two halakhic uncertainties are involved:
whether or not the prohibition of tum'at kohanim applies to
kohanim nowadays, and whether or not one becomes tamei by walking
through a gentile cemetery. It
should be noted that both the Shulchan Arukh and the Rama rule
stringently on this particular issue.
(Based on
Rav Asher Zelig Weiss' Minchat Asher, Parashat Emor)
******
Parashat Emor, as we discussed yesterday, begins with the laws regarding
tum'at kohanim, the prohibition for a kohen to come in contact
with a human corpse. The Midrash
(Vayikra Rabba 26:6) comments regarding this prohibition, "Because of the fear
that Aharon experienced before the Almighty, he was rewarded and given this
section [of tum'at kohanim], which does not leave him or his
descendants…" To what unique
quality of "fear" does the Midrash refer, and why is the prohibition of
tum'at kohanim a suitable reward?
Furthermore, why does the Midrash emphasize that this prohibition remains
in effect for all time – "which does not leave him or his descendants"?
Rav Dov Weinberger, in his Shemen Ha-tov, suggests that the
Midrash refers to Aharon's sense of awe and reverence even when he did not serve
before God in the Mishkan.
One of the potential dangers of the Mishkan, the representation of
the Almighty's presence among Benei Yisrael, is that those who minister
in and frequent the site may mistakenly conclude that His presence is limited to
that site. The majesty and awe of
the Beit Ha-mikdash is intended to inspire the individual with an
awareness of God's presence in every location and every moment. There is the risk, however, particularly
for the kohen gadol, who ministers in the Temple each day, that he may grow so accustomed
to this sense of the divine presence in the Mishkan that he will not
experience this awareness outside the sacred precinct.
The Midrash here perhaps applauds Aharon for carrying with him this sense
of awe and fear in every area of his life, even outside the framework of his
service in the Temple.
Appropriately, he was rewarded with the mitzva of tum'at
kohanim, which applies for all time, even in the absence of the Beit
Ha-mikdash. The basic concept
underlying this prohibition is that the kohanim, who serve before God in
the Temple, must
avoid contact with tum'a, which (for whatever reason) is symbolic of
spiritual defilement. The fact that
this prohibition remains in force even after the Temple's destruction is testament to the fact
that Aharon had successfully lived up to the ideal of the Mikdash –
sensing the divine presence in every location and in every situation. The Torah therefore instructed that the
kohanim avoid contact with tum'a even after the Temple's destruction, since they, as the descendants of
Aharon, represent the ideal of seeing oneself as in the constant presence and
service of the Almighty – even outside the Temple grounds.
*******
The first section of Parashat Emor deals with the laws of tum'at
kohanim, the prohibition for a kohen to contract tum'at met,
the ritual impurity that results from direct contact with a human corpse. Upon reading this section within the
broader context of Sefer Vayikra, one must question why these laws appear here,
in the latter section of Sefer Vayikra, rather than in the earlier chapters of
this Book. The first half of Sefer
Vayikra, through the first section of Parashat Acharei-Mot, deal mainly with
issues concerning the Temple, including both the sacrifices and the laws
governing tum'a and tahara (ritual impurity and purity). In the middle of Parashat Acharei-Mot,
the Sefer moves onto laws that do not directly relate to the Beit
Ha-mikdash, laws involving a wide range of areas including sexual morality,
commercial integrity, and festival observance. It seems, at least at first glance, that
the Torah "transplanted" the section of tum'at kohanim from its more
natural context – the section of Sefer Vayikra dealing with the priestly service
in the Mikdash and ritual impurity – to the part of Sefer Vayikra that
addresses a far broader range of activity.
The Rosh Yeshiva, HaRav Aharon Lichtenstein shlit"a, suggested
(see http://vbm-torah.org/archive/sichot/vayikra/31-62emor.htm)
that the context in which this section is placed underscores the dual nature of
the kohanim and their function within the nation. The role of the kohanim is
defined, on the one hand, by the service they perform in the Beit
Ha-mikdash. They serve as the
nation's "emissaries" to the Almighty in the Temple, representing them before God. Benei Yisrael tend to their
fields and businesses throughout the Land of Israel, but retain their connection to God
through the service of the kohanim, their representatives in the
Mikdash. But the concept of
tum'at kohanim, the prohibition for a kohen to contract tum'at
met, introduces a second dimension of the institution of the kehuna,
the notion of a kohen's status of sanctity even outside the framework and
precinct of the Temple.
This prohibition applies everywhere (and, as we discussed yesterday, even
in the absence of the Beit Ha-mikdash), and in fact, very rarely would a
kohen encounter tum'a while serving in the Mikdash. This prohibition, then, presents for the
first time the notion of kehuna unrelated to a kohen's ministering
duties in the Temple.
A kohen retains his special status wherever he is, and not only
while serving in the Beit Ha-mikdash.
To emphasize this dichotomy, perhaps, the Torah specifically placed this
section in the latter half of Sefer Vayikra, among the laws that apply to all
members of Benei Yisrael, to emphasize that the kohanim retain
their role and status even outside the Temple grounds, as they live among the rest of
the people.
Rav Lichtenstein extended this duality to the modern-day ben
Torah, who is generally identified primarily by his avoda, his
"service," within the four walls of the study hall in the yeshiva. While this is undoubtedly true, a ben
Torah must retain this status of distinction wherever he goes. The responsibilities of a Torah Jew are
not limited to his work in the beit midrash; they follow him in every
area of his life, into which he must bring the values and mode of conduct that
he represents.
*******
Parashat Emor contains the section often referred to as parashat
ha-mo'adim, the section dealing with the laws of the festivals. Included in this discussion are the laws
of the special sacrifices brought on Pesach and Shavuot – the korban ha-omer and
korban shetei ha-lechem (23:9-22).
The Torah requires bringing an offering on the second day of Pesach from
the very first grain harvest, and then another special offering seven weeks
later, on the festival of Shavuot.
Interestingly, this section concludes with a verse that seems to bear
little relevance to the particular context of these offerings: "And when you
reap the harvest of your land, do not reap all the way to the edges of your
field, or gather the gleanings of your harvest; you shall leave them for the
poor and the foreigner" (23:22).
How do these obligations of pei'a (leaving aside the corner of one's
field) and leket (leaving the gleanings) relate to the specific context of
Pesach and Shavuot?
Torat Kohanim derives from this juxtaposition an equation between the
fulfillment of one's obligations to the poor, and the offering of
sacrifices. On the basis of the
Torah's association between these laws, Torat Kohanim establishes that one who
leaves the required gifts for the poor is considered as if he has offered
sacrifices upon the altar. By
contrast, a landowner who neglects his responsibilities to the poor is
considered equivalent to somebody living in the time of the Temple who neglects to
bring korbanot. It appears that
Torat Kohanim seeks to convey the notion that financial resources are like the
Beit Ha-mikdash, as they provide the opportunity for closeness to God. Just as the Temple provides the
opportunity to offer sacrifices, so does wealth provide one the opportunity to
draw nearer to God by assisting the needy.
Therefore, one who leaves the required portions of his field for the poor
is equivalent to one who seizes the opportunity provided by the Beit Ha-mikdash
for offering sacrifices to enhance his relationship to God.
The commentators, however, suggest other reasons why the Torah makes
mention of these obligations in this context.
Ibn Ezra explains that the festivals of Pesach and Shavuot are observed
during the harvest season, and the Torah therefore reminds us in this context of
the laws pertaining to harvesting.
The Ramban extends this notion a bit further, claiming that in this verse
the Torah speaks specifically of the harvesting it had mentioned earlier – the
harvest of grain for the korban ha-omer on Pesach. This grain is harvested for the mitzva
of bringing the korban ha-omer. The
Ramban thus explains that the Torah warns against harvesting all the grain of a
field for this purpose, without leaving the required gifts to the poor. The Torah reminds us that even when
harvesting fulfills a mitzva, it must not come at the expense of the needy, who
depend upon the pei'a and leket left behind by the landowners. This verse thus conveys the critical
message that the attention one pays to his ritualistic duties must never
diminish from his sensitivity to the plight of the underprivileged.
Finally, Rav Shimshon Refael Hirsch explains that the concept underlying
the mandatory gifts to the poor very closely relates to that of the korban
ha-omer. The Torah requires the
offering of the nation's very first gleanings to God to express our awareness of
His ultimate ownership over the land tilled by the farmers. We are but serfs working on our lord's
(or "Lord's") property, and we therefore bring the first produce to Him. This same theme underlies the obligation
of matenot aniyim (the gifts to the poor); since we are not the true owners over
our land, we cannot lay exclusive claim to its produce. We must rather share it with the rest of
God's nation, as yet a further expression of our sense of dependence and
submission to His authority.
******
Parashat Emor concludes with the disturbing story of the megadef, the
blasphemer, who publicly cursed the Almighty. The Torah tells of God's instruction to
Moshe that the megadef be stoned by the entire nation, and this section
concludes, "Moshe spoke to Benei Yisrael, and they took the blasphemer outside
the camp and they stoned him; and Benei Yisrael did as the Lord had commanded
Moshe" (24:23). Many commentators
struggled to explain the final clause of this verse – "and Benei Yisrael did as
the Lord had commanded Moshe." Once
we are told that they executed the blasphemer in accordance with God's decree,
why must the Torah repeat that the people "did as the Lord had commanded
Moshe"?
Due to this question (presumably), Ibn Ezra explains this clause as
referring to a different command – or series of commands – that God had issued
to Moshe. After informing Moshe of
the punishment for the blasphemer, God digresses onto several seemingly
unrelated laws concerning property and body damages (24:17-21). Ibn Ezra therefore suggests that when
the Torah tells of Benei Yisrael's compliance with God's commands to Moshe, it
refers to these laws. Besides
carrying out God's harsh sentence concerning the megadef, Benei Yisrael also
committed themselves to implementing the civil laws God had conveyed to Moshe at
that time. (Why God introduced
these laws in this context is a question that deserves a separate
discussion. We will simply mention
Ibn Ezra's explanation, that the megadef, before cursing God, had quarreled with
another Jew, as the Torah tells, and they caused each other physical
injury. God therefore informed
Moshe of the laws governing damages, in addition to the punishment for
blasphemy.)
The Ramban suggests a different explanation, that the Torah here
emphasizes the absence of ulterior motives in the execution of the
blasphemer. Benei Yisrael carried
out this gruesome task without any feelings of personal animosity towards the
blasphemer, but rather with the pure motive of fulfilling God's command to
eliminate the megadef.
A particularly fascinating approach to this verse is taken by Rav Meir
Simcha of Dvinsk, in his Meshekh Chokhma.
According to one view in the Midrash (cited by Rashi to 24:10), the
megadef was driven to blasphemy by his refusal to accept the mitzva mentioned in
the previous section, that of the lechem ha-panim (showbread). The Torah requires placing fresh bread
on the shulchan (table) in the Mishkan once a week, on Shabbat. The blasphemer charged that this law
that Moshe had taught the people infringes upon God's honor, as it requires
leaving stale bread on the table.
Certainly, he argued, it would be more appropriate to put out fresh bread
each day! His rejection of this
mitzva ultimately led him to blaspheme God.
The Meshekh Chokhma suggests that in the parasha's closing sentence –
"and Benei Yisrael did as the Lord had commanded Moshe" – the Torah informs us
that this unfortunate incident had no impact upon Benei Yisrael's observance of
the mitzva of lechem ha-panim.
Often, public objections and challenges to a religious idea have some
effect. Even if the objector is
ultimately defeated, his protestations leave a mark and, to whatever extent,
diminish from the public's conviction.
In this instance, the Meshekh Chokhma explains, Benei Yisrael remained
firmly devoted to the laws taught to them by Moshe, and paid no heed whatsoever
to the accusations of the megadef.
According to the Meshekh Chokhma, then, the clause "and Benei Yisrael did
as the Lord had commanded Moshe" refers not to the execution of the blasphemer,
but rather to the previously mentioned law of lechem ha-panim. The blasphemer's cynical rejection of
this mitzva did not detract from the respect and reverence with which they
lovingly embraced this and all of God's laws, with unwavering belief in their
divine origin and the inestimable value of the observance of each and every
mitzva – regardless of the extent to which we can grasp its underlying
rationale.
******
Parashat Emor features the prohibition against slaughtering an animal and
its young on the same day (22:28).
Most (or at least many) classical commentators understood this
prohibition as intended to engender a sense of compassion within an
individual. The Torah issues a
number of guidelines forbidding causing unnecessary trauma to animals, so that a
person will develop within his persona the qualities of sensitivity and
compassion. This general theme is
articulated most famously, perhaps, by the Ramban, in his discussion of the
obligation of shilu'ach ha-kein – to send away a bird before taking its eggs
(Devarim 22:6-7).
Yosef Ibn Kaspi (as cited by Professor Nechama Leibowitz), in his
commentary to the verses concerning shilu'ach ha-kein, develops the concept
underlying these mitzvot in a slightly different direction. In his view, these guidelines are
intended primarily to engender a sense of humility within the individual, to
remind him that he is but a part of the earth's natural order, that he is one of
many of God's creatures, with a limited degree of control in His world. As Ibn Kaspi demonstrates, the Torah
demands that a person treat all the earth's creatures and elements with a degree
of respect and concern, and the degree of respect and concern required depends
on the given entity's classification with respect to human beings. At the highest level, the Torah demands
that one treat all human beings with care and respect, including one's foes and
those who are beneath him on the social or even moral scale. It is forbidden to cause unnecessary
harm to any person, regardless of his ethical or religious stature. At the next level, the Torah demands a
degree of sensitivity in one's treatment of animals. Of course, one need not treat animals
with the same level of care demanded when dealing with other human beings. The Torah allows killing certain animals
for food and clothing, and using animals for transportation and difficult
labor. Still, laws such as
shilu'ach ha-kein ensure a degree of sensitivity when dealing with animals. Moving one rung lower, the Torah
requires that care be taken even in our handling of plants, forbidding the
unnecessary destruction of edible vegetation (Devarim 20:19). Finally, a small degree of sensitivity
is required even in our treatment of the earth itself, as we are bidden to let
the land lie fallow once in seven years.
The theme underlying this system, Ibn Kaspi contends, is the perspective
that sees man as representing but one class – albeit the supreme class – within
the natural order. Had we been
granted unlimited access to the animal kingdom and natural resources, an
exaggerated sense of control and dominion would overtake us which could easily
infringe upon our humble submission to God. The Torah therefore imposed a system
that sets limits on our control of the earth's resources, reminding us that we,
too, are but creatures on God's earth, and we do not enjoy the degree of power
and authority that we might otherwise feel.
******
The final section of Parashat Emor tells the unfortunate story of the
megadeif, the blasphemer, whom the Torah introduces as the son of an
Egyptian man and Israelite woman.
The Torah tells, "The son of an Israelite woman – who was the son of an
Egyptian man – went out among the Israelites… " (24:10). Commenting on the words "be-tokh
Benei Yisrael" ("among the Israelites"), Torat Kohanim says, "This
teaches that he converted."
Meaning, the megadeif had converted into the Jewish faith before
this episode.
Several writers addressed the obvious question of why this individual
would have required conversion.
After all, the Gemara establishes (in Yevamot 45a and elsewhere) that a
child born from a union between a Jewish woman and gentile man has the status of
a full-fledged Jew. Why, then, does
Torat Kohanim comment that the megadeif underwent the process of
conversion to Judaism?
Chizkuni answers by claiming that this halakha took effect
only at the point of Matan Torah.
Until that point, a child emerging from a "mixed" union followed the
status of the father; it was only with the giving of the Torah that children
followed the mother's lineage in this respect. Therefore, since the megadeif was
born in Egypt, prior to Matan Torah,
he was considered a gentile until his conversion. A possible source for Chizkuni's
theory (as the Ramban mentions) is the halakha that among gentiles,
lineage is determined based solely upon one's father's status (Yevamot
78b). It would stand to reason,
then, that this was the case among Avraham's descendants, too, until the
halakha that was established at the time of Matan Torah.
The Ramban, however, rejects this theory, insisting that this rule of
matrilineal descent applied already during Avraham's time, and therefore the
megadeif was considered a Jew already from the moment of his birth in
Egypt. Interestingly, Rav Yehuda Rosannes
(author of the Mishneh Le-melekh), in his Parashat Derakhim (1),
hinges this debate between the Ramban and Chizkuni on the classic
question regarding the halakhic status of the patriarchs and their descendants
before Matan Torah. The Ramban here expresses his view that
from the time Avraham was designation by God, he and his chosen offspring were
granted the formal, halakhic status of Benei Yisrael.
The Ramban therefore held that lineage followed the mother's status
already from that point. Chizkuni, by contrast, was of the opinion that the
personal status of "Yisrael" took effect only at Matan
Torah, and thus only then did matrilineal descent become the
determining factor.
To explain
the comment in Torat Kohanim, the Ramban first suggests that this comment
represents the view of a shitat yachid (a minority position) that is not
accepted by mainstream Halakha.
He then advances a novel interpretation of Torat Kohanim's
comment, namely, that it refers to the "conversion" of Matan Torah. Torat Kohanim emphasizes that
this child, born to a Jewish mother and gentile father, had made the conscious
decision to follow Benei Yisrael to Sinai and enter the covenant with
God, which marked the entire nation's "conversion" to Judaism. As the Ramban explains, this is how
Torat Kohanim understood the expression, "among the Israelites": he
joined Benei Yisrael, rather than identifying himself as an Egyptian.
The Ra'avad,
in his commentary to Torat Kohanim, suggests that Torat Kohanim is
speaking here of the megadeif's Egyptian father, rather than the
megadeif himself. We are
told that at some point after his relationship with Shelomit Bat Divrei (the
megadeif's Israelite mother), the father underwent conversion. Needless to say, this is a very
far-fetched reading of Torat Kohanim. And, as noted by Rav Shimshon Refael
Hirsch, in his Torah commentary, an explanation is required for why Torat
Kohanim would find it necessary to inform us of the father's conversion.
A number of
writers, including Rav Hirsch, suggest that this comment in Torat Kohanim
perhaps forms the basis of the view indicated by Rashi, in Masekhet Kiddushin
(68b), that the child of a gentile man and Jewish woman has the status of a
gentile until conversion. Rashi
there appears to explain the Gemara to mean that after conversion, the child may
marry any Jew, and does not have the status of a mamzer, as opposed to
the conventional reading, whereby he is deemed a Jew from birth. (This appears to be the view of Tosefot,
as well, to Kiddushin 75b; Maharsha, however, understands Tosefot
differently.) This comment in
Torat Kohanim, that the megadeif required conversion to become
part of Benei Yisrael, perhaps provides a basis for this position.
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